The Role of Greeks, Armenians and Jews in the
Economic Life of Transylvania
in the Eighteenth Century




OCTOBER 3-6, 1990


1. The Land

Eighteenth century Hungary, that semi-independent eastern mark of the Habsburg family, began a slow socio-economic reconstruction after a devastating re-conquest and an equally painful civil war. Once the Turks were expelled and the anti-Habsburg Magyar rebels suppressed, the government of Vienna could proceed with the domestic aspects of empire building. In Hungary and Transylvania the focus of attention was on the agricultural production, the development of trade and commerce, both domestic and international, state supported and private, developed via mercantilism and/or free trade. Eventually, free trade became the cornerstone of modern Hungary. By the last third of the nineteenth century, commerce led to major capital accumulation, the creation of an economy with all the trappings of a budding industrial revolution. In eighteenth century Transylvania the start was a false one. Around 1800 the East Central European harbingers of modern commerce, Greeks, Armenians and Jews, either abandoned trading in the region or left the province. The local Magyars had little interest in commerce. The Saxons and the Rumanians wanted, but failed to maintain the international trading position of Transylvania. The renewal came with the successful establishment of the pre-conditions of the industrial revolution in Hungary and the subsequent spill-over of the benefits to Transylvania.
According to Bishop Kolonics, following their withdrawal from Hungary the Turks had left behind nobody but the Greeks and the Jews. This, of course, was an exaggeration, but these were the people Kolonics noted and highly disapproved.(1) In fact, Hungary and Transylvania were reduced to less than 2.6 million souls by 1720. Towns emptied, their foreign habitants if not escaped in time, became the first victims of turn of the century turmoils. Transylvania was nearly destroyed by Tartars, Turks, "liberators" and freedom fighters. The mercantilist government in Vienna soon began its search for suitable immigrants. In the absence of a domestic bourgeoisie in Hungary and Transylvania, the Viennese Treasury, in order to attract settlers gave special trading privileges to foreign merchants; the Armenians, the Jews and the so-called "Greeks" of the kingdom. The process accelerated after 1711. According to the late Zsolt Trocsanyi, the sleepy towns of Transylvania were awakened by foreign merchants at the dawn of the eighteenth century.(2) The Magyars no longer had the skill or the desire to trade. "It is well known" wrote Gyula Szekfu, "that a Hungarian did not stoop to trade in feudal Hungary. He yielded it to the aliens: Jews, Macedonians, Greeks, Armenians, Serbs."(3)
In the new century the Habsburg were well on their way to create a new empire with the necessary tax base as support. Transylvania had its place in the new scheme of things. In 1701 Leopold I gave a Letter of Privilege to the Transylvanian Greeks to pursue wholesale and retail trade freely, govern themselves and appeal to the Royal Chamber or the Translyvanian Treasury in case of disputes. (4)

2. Greeks in Transylvania

In eighteenth century Hungary and Transylvania "Greek" was a collective name. The Vlachs, who spoke Rumanian at home but adopted Greek as their language of business, came mainly from Moschopolis (Albania) and were called Arnot or Arvanito-Vlachs, while other Vlachs of the south were known as Macedonian-Vlachs or Roman-Vlachs or Mocanii.(5) The Greek historian Georgios Liritzes identifies them as Tsintsars or Kucovlacks or Koutsovlacks. (6)
The nineteenth century Hungarian historian Mihaly Horvath invented a political definition by stating that "Greeks" were those Greco-Hungarians who made "alliances", that is those who formed commercial companies with Bosnians, Roumanians and other Turkish subjects. (7) Odon Fuves, who devoted his life to the study of the Greeks in Hungary, considers as Greeks only those Greek-speaking Ottoman subjects who were Greek Orthodox and excludes the Greek Orthodox Serbian and Balkan Jewish merchant Ottoman subjects. (8) The historian Martha Bur defines Greco-Hungarians as Balkan merchants but excludes the Serbs, presumably because only some of them were (livestock) traders. (9)
Any definition is abstract in nature. For the historian it is nothing more than a tool of research, an instrument for a better understanding of the past. To the student of the economic history of East Central Europe the activities of Greek-speaking Balkan merchants, who were subjects of the Ottoman Empire and international traders of Balkan goods as well as transit traders of all kinds of merchandize between Western Europe and the Habsburg Empire, on the one hand, and the Ottoman Empire on the other, are of special interest. For the sake of historical tradition one should continue to call all these traders Greeks, as long as one is aware of the historical origin of the term.
During the sixteenth century a mere handful of Greeks reached Hungary from the Balkans. The penetration was slow, due to the division of the country into three political-administrative entities. The country was ruled from then on by the Habsburgs, the princes of Transylvania and the sultans of the Ottoman empire. With the decline of Hungary eclipsed the prominence of Hungarians in trade. Greek, Jewish, Armenian and Serb merchants took their place. In Transylvania Greek merchants began to make their impact on the economy from the middle of the sixteenth century. The Diet of Transylvania, dominated by Hungarian landlords and Saxon guilders, complained that these merchants were reaping windfall profits and taking large sums of money out of the country.(10) It was reported from Medgyes in 1534 that the Transylvanian Hungarian lords requested the Turkish army to kill the local Jews and the Greeks.(11) We do not know how the army responded, but the Greeks and the Jews ignored the threat.
Most Greeks originally came from southern Macedonia. There, on the plains, Greeks and assimilated Vlachs lived peacefully in their towns. But Turkish troops and Albanian marauders drove them to the mountains where they soon founded new towns and turned to commerce and animal husbandry. These towns rapidly became overpopulated and could not support their citizens, who began to migrate northward. In the next century renewed Albanian-Turkish terror further stimulated this exodus of Greek population. Caravans, accompanied by armed guards, moved slowly northwards on horses and donkeys. Every May the caravans started from Janina, Kozani and especially Sytatita and crossed the Danube at Zimony.(12) Not all of these merchants returned to the Balkans. Some of them settled in Hungary and Transylvania.
In 1688, during the war with the Ottoman Empire, Habsburg armies invaded Macedonia. Many Greeks, who had collaborated with the Austrians during the brief period of occupation, withdrew with the troops and settled in Hungary and Transylvania where they were relatively safe from Turkish revenge. When the Turks occupied Belgrade in 1690 the mass of refugees were followed by a large number of Greek merchants. According to the census of 1702, 292 Greeks were registered in Transylvania.(13) More arrived following the destruction of Moskhopolis. The economic boom in Hungary, which began in 1711 was much facilitated by the newcomers.(14)
A large number of Greeks migrated to Transylvania from Macedonia between 1718 and 1738. Most of them settled at Brasso.(15) There are traces of Greeks in Transylvania from the mid-sixteenth century, particularly in Brasso and Nagyszeben. Greeks pursued lively trade with Constantinople at least from 1603. Prince George Rakoczi granted their company a letter of privilege in 1636 which letter was renewed in 1701 by Leopold I.
The Greeks who did regular business in Hungary and Transylvania remained Turkish subjects. They took up "temporary" residence as the seventeenth century progressed. Generally, they preferred to stay in royal free towns or lord-protected market settlements. Greek settlements were most important in the south where 37 of the 86 Hungarian customs houses were located usually under the control of Greeks who rented them from the Treasury. There were hardly any towns in Transylvania without Greek merchants.(16) Austro-Turkish political and commercial relations facilitated their prominence.
Between 1716 and 1718 Austria, in alliance with Venice, fought a successful war against the Ottoman Empire. The Peace of Pasarovice that followed secured commercial advantages for both sides. Charles III wanted to take most favoured nation status but Austrian businessmen failed him. The Orientalische Compangnie established in 1719 to capture Balkan markets, went out of business by 1734. No other Austrian or Hungarian company of significance attempted to take its place. Greek merchants from the Balkans, however, took full advantage of the opportunities offered through the reduced three per cent tariff. Since Habsburg subjects had to pay 30 to 60 per cent duties on imported merchandize, the outcome was unfair competition and reduced government income. Many Greek merchants, in addition to international and transit trade, engaged also in retailing imported and domestically produced goods much to the chagrin of local merchants, mainly Germans. But neither domestic pressure nor the newly adopted policy of mercantilism enabled Austria to deprive the sultan's subjects of their privileges. As long as there existed the danger of a grand coalition of France, Turkey and Prussia against Austria, the Viennese Court could not allow its treasury a free hand against the Greeks.
In 1720 the Court Chamber of Austria ordered Greeks residing in Hungary and Transylvania to pay the so-called 30th Duty, but was unable to enforce its own ruling. The same fate awaited the royal rescripts of 1721 and 1725. The Hungarian Viceroyalty Council began an anti-Greek campaign in 1725 but failed because of the diplomatic intervention of Turkish ambassador Agha Omer on behalf of Ottoman subjects trading in the Habsburg domains.
The Turkish War of 1737 led to local harassment of the Greeks. This time it was the Habsburg army that provided protection for the Greeks, their major suppliers. The Peace of Belgrade, 1739, brought status quo ante bellum. Greek trade could not be outlawed without the harming of the population in general. And so, too, was ignored the Law of 1741 of Maria Theresa which forbade wine trading for Greeks, Armenians and Jews.
In 1766 Maria Theresa ordered her Commercial Council to investigate the the true commercial role of the Greeks. The Council calculated that the Greeks caused at least two million florins damage to the Treasury. They stated, that drastic actions against the merchants is ill advised. The status quo, that is, German merchants in the old towns, Greeks in market towns and Jews in the countryside should be maintained but the influx of more Greeks must be prevented.
The Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774 resulting in the defeat of the Sultan freed the hands of Maria Theresa. In 1769 the Queen demanded an oath of loyalty from all Ottoman subjects. The import of cotton and wool, almost all industrial goods were prohibited. Maria Theresa revoked all privileges granted earlier to Greek merchants. In 1774, the oath of loyalty became condition of trading and a deadline was set for their departure (1774). In that year began the exodus of Greek merchants from Hungary. No more Greeks arrived. Those who took the loyalty oath and settled as Habsburg subjects began to assimilate magyarize. They lost their Greek identity.(17) Greek merchants in the Principalities, in Braila and Bucharest also began to lose ground to Jews and other Habsburg immigrants as village fairs declined in importance and urban trade became predominant.(18)
The Greeks and the Macedo-Vlachs turned on each other around 1800. The Vlach merchant community began to abandon the use of Greek, and founded their own churches and schools at the expense of the recently established Graeco-Vallachica Communitas.(19) However, they, for the moment, failed to establish their own trading companies. (20)

* * * * *

The largest town and trading centre of Transylvania in the eighteenth century was Brasso (Brasov, Kronstadt) where in 1787 17,671 people.(21) Immigrants from Saxony had founded Kronstadt in the thirteenth century. Armed with privileges of immunity from Hungarian customs, the town's German merchants began to trade precious metals and locally produced cloth with Wallachia for food stuffs. In the eighteenth century Greek merchants overtook the international trade of the town. The Saxons foughtdid the Greeks but were not successful. The German-dominated municipality would not issue them permits to build houses, would not allow them to become citizens, and levied special taxes on them. (22) The Greeks prospered, nevertheless.
The 1300 to 1400 merchants of the town specialized by route rather than by goods. Competition was thus practically eliminated. The Greek company of Brasso was organized according to the statues of the other Greek merchants corporations in the Ottoman Empire. The Company was founded mostly by Greeks and Koutsovlachs from Macedonia.(23) In 1768 out of 122 Brasso merchants eleven were Saxons the rest were members of Greek companies. Brasso goods were sold throughout the Balkans. The town sold 4/5 of its southern exportstock to the Danubian Principalities and 1/5 in Bulgaria. The value of the export was higher than that of the merchandize transported to Hungary proper.(24)
The Greek companies also engaged in manufacturing.(25) Greek canvas and wool weavers were most active in Brasso. Some Greeks from Vienna frequented Brasso and so did the Greeks of Bucharest.Here, too, the Saxon guilds had to compromise. They were forced to accept some of the more prosperous Greek manufacturer-traders as members, like in 1794 Constantine Dsauli textile-manufacturer and merchant.(26)
Sibiu (Nagyszeben, Hermannstadt) was the second largest commercial and manufacturing center in Transylvania. In 1636, George Rakoczi, Prince of Transylvania, granted a letter of Privilege to the Greek merchants of the town. They were authorized to form an autonomous commercial guild or company.(27) By 1678 there was at least one Greek association in Nagyszeben. Soon the whole Transylvanian mercury trade was in the hands of the Nagyszeben Greeks. A few years later they complained to the Prince requesting protection from their Jewish competitors. (28) The Saxons fought the Greeks with the help of city hall which they have controlled. The Szeben municipality in 1726 forbade the purchase of consumer goods at the market place and attempted to force the Greeks to buy from the Saxon town merchants, at obviously higher prices. The Greeks complained and the gubernium, the central government, disallowed the town regulation. (29) In 1702 there were 108 Greek merchants in Nagyszeben and in 1800 the association of merchants still consisted chiefly of Greeks.(30) But Greek merchants of Szeben, just like in Brasso, began to abandon trade and commerce at the turn of the century.


3. The Armenians of Transylvania

Scattered groups of Armenians lived in Transylvania already before the middle of the seventeenth century. We know of their existence because of references in local law books and Armenian place names. The first major influx of Armenians into Transylvania occurred in 1672 when one to two thousand of them migrated from Moldavia and established border settlements at Beszterce, Gyergyoszentmiklos, Ebesfalva and Gorgenyszentimre. Most of these newcomers were merchants or craftsmen with their families. (31) Eventually, individual Armenian settlements obtained the protection of a prince of Transylvania or of a Habsburg ruler. In 1696 Mihaly Apafi II granted a Letter of Privilege to Ebesfalva (Erzsebetvaros) which grant was reconfirmed in 1733 by Charles III. Szamosujvaros was settled in 1710. Charles III also gave the town's Armenians a Letter of Privilege which entitled them to free trade, self-government, and exemption from military quartering and transport.
Soon the Armenian merchants constituted a significant number of the merchant community of Transylvania. They specialized in livestock trading, the leather and fur business, enjoing a quasi-monopoly in these trades. Competition with the Greeks was minimal since the Armenians had their "own" towns, lines and routes. Their international connections matched that of the Greeks. as a result a few of them accumulated fabulous fortunes. The majority, however, worked as buyers and hawkers. Maria Theresa wanted to invite more of them but the Transylvania Court Chancery convinced her that this was not a good idea becasue the Armenian merchants would dilute German blood. (32) Nevertheless, Maria Theresa continued to patronize them unlike the Greeks whom she resented and the Jews whom she hated.
From 1776 Armenians were allowed to bear public office. In 1786 their two major towns, Szamosujvar and Erzsebetvaros became royal free towns. Gyergyoszentmiklos and Csikszepviz obtained permission to establish the Forum Mercantile to settle their own commercial disputes. (33)
The Hungarian landlords of Transylvania also welcomed and protected the Armenians. They, however, disapproved their major land aquisitions. When in 1736 the Armenian town of Szamosujvar purchased 22 villages the Diet was outraged. Their Saxon competitors fought them too, mainly by administrative methods. The Transylvanian estates ("nations") would not recognize them as a political estate.(34)
Toward the end of the eighteenth century many Armenians were still trading but they were losing their prominance. Their share of the Moldavian trade shrank. They could only keep the iron-goods export for a while. The predominantly Armenian town Erzsebetvaros lost its merchant status and Szamosujvar stagnated. Many of the well-to-do Armenians moved to Budapest and Vienna. Others joined the gentry and a few the aristocracy. They changed their names, spoke Hungarian abandoning their Armenian heritage completely. Only the economically weaker Armenians clung to the old tradition.
TABLE I. (35)

1787 1830

Erzsebetvaros 3,398 2,000

Szamosujvar 4,459 2,500


4. The Jewish Community

Jews lived in Transylvania from the second half of the sixteenth century. From the mid-fifteenth century They visited the province along with Greek merchants in the footsteps of Turkish armies. Gabor Bethlen patronized both Greek and Spanish-Jewish traders and from 1614 granted them the privilege of trading eastern goods.(36) Some Sephardim Jews settled at Gyulafehervar much to the dismay of the Kolozsvar Diet which also resented the fact that the export-import trade with Turkey was falling into the hands of Greeks and Jews.(37) The Diet restricted the movements of Jewish merchants instructing them not to go beyond certain depots, such as Szaszsebes, Szeben and Fehervar, except at fair time. Gabor Bethlen allowed them to settle in his Principality and gave them the right to trade freely and practise their own religion without disturbance. The Diets and the urban oligarchies were less tolerant. The Diet of 1650 forced them and the Greeks to wear identifiable clothing. The towns blackmailed them and would not protect them from their individual persecutors. Joseph II initiated reforms and "the promotion of Jewish immigration, heretofore prohibited, as a stimulus to commerce" but the plan died with the Habsburg-Ottoman War of 1788-91.(38) The community was not able to grow. There were only about 300 Jews living in Transylvania in 1720. Of the foreign merchants they were the weakest group at that time. In 1723 they were levied a special tax of 80 florints while tha Armenians had to pay 800, the Greeks 350 and the Bulgarians 200. (39) In 1779/82 the census takers could find only 322 Jewish families in Transylvania. Their number increased to 2,093 by 178. Around the turn of the century they began to trickle into the towns of Kolozsvar, Marosvasarhely, Brasso and Fogaras.(40)
Jews appeared at first only at the fairs of Kolozsvar. A few of them lived in town but were not considered bona fide urban dwellers. The censuses of 1753, 1779 and 1781/82 do not even mention them. Nevertheless, Vienna warned the Kolozsvar municipality in 1782 not to allow too many Jews to settle in their town. The burghers did limit Jewish commercial activities at the fairs. They commanded that Jewish diamond merchants might only sell stones worth over 20 gold pieces. Jews became prominent in the life of Kolozsvar from the second half of the 19th century. At the beginning of the twentieth century they made up thirteen percent of the townsfolk. (41)
Jews lived at Gyulafehervar (Alba Iula), earlier known as Karolyfehervar, from 1591.(42) In 1623 Gabor Bethlen permitted Spanish Jews from Turkey to settle in town. The Approbatae Constitutiones of 1650 named Gyulafehervar as the only settlment of Transylvania where Jews could settle. The town administration constantly harassed the local Jews and so to protect his good taxpayers Prince Mihaly Apaffi issued another Letter of Privilege for the Fehervar Jews. The Letter had to be reconfirmed several times. Rakoczi's war decimated the town and destroyed its Jewish community. By mid-century Jews returned but still only in small number. But by 1754 there existed in Gyulafehervar a Jewish commercial company. A renewed community had its own and mixed courts as well to settle civil and commercial disputes. But, in that year still only 54 Jews lived in the town. (43) In 1870, however, 1221 Jews lived in the town of 7,955 which by then had 255 registered merchants. (44)


7. Into the Nineteenth Century

When the trade privileges of Greeks and Armenians were removed towards the end of the eighteenth century but the special taxes in support of the Military Border were maintained along with the Sanitats Kordon, the Border's quarantine regulations, a number of the Greek and the Armenian merchants began to look for new opportunities. Some moved to Bucharest which became the center for Transylvanian border trade. (45) Others left for Hungary, Austria and some for Greece. Many bought land and became landlords. This process was facilitated by the nature of the Transylvanian trade which was mostly negative towards the Ottoman lands. Commerce between Transylvania and the Danubian Principalities remained negative in the 1790's. In 1797 the ration was 6.3:13.3, in 1798 6.5:17.4 and in 1799 7.3:28.4. Most of the import was re-exported to Hungary and Austria. (46)
The situation was contrary to Habsburg commercial policies throughout the century, but the international situation prevented Vienna from improving its balance of trade. Once the Ottoman Empire ceased to be a danger the government deprived the foreign merchants in Transylvania, and in Hungary as well, of course, of their privileges and began enforcing the policy of mercantilism. The economic consequences of the Napoleonic Wars consolidated the program and began to turn Transylvania into the economic backwater, the periphery of the empire's economic life.
Macedonian wool began to lose its importance. Austrian and Czech buyers preferred American and Egyptian cotton. The Greek trade lost its importance. As the Macedo-Vlachs invented their own national consciousness they took over the remaining trade with the Danubian Principalities. There were now twice as many Rumanian merchants in Brasso than Greek ones. According to Ambrus Miskolczy the role of the Jews in commerce remained insignificant because of their miniscule number and because the proportion of traders amongst them was not as high as in Hungary.(47) The number of Jews, truly, remained insignificant in Transylvania until mid-nineteenth century, but it is unlikely that the occupational profile of the Jewish community in Transylvania differed significantly from the Hungarian one, which was 80 per cent commercial or commerce related. (48) Only Rumanians were moving into Transylvania. Magyars, Greeks, Armenians and Jews in large number were leaving mainly for Hungary proper or the Danubian Principalities.

TABLE II. (49)



year Rumanians Hungarians Germans Jews others total

1786 30.5% 49.7% 18.2% .2% 1.4% 1.1m

1794 50.0*% 33.0%* 12.5%** .1% 4.5% 1.6m

* 3-4% German
** 3-4% Hungarian
The golden age of Transylvanian business came to an end. The Greeks and the Armenians who stayed assimilated. The Saxons, the Rumanians and the small Jewish community failed to sustain the economic growth of the eighteenth century due to circumstances beyond their control. The Magyars remained uninterested. Only in the middle of the nineteenth century did commerce and modern urban life revive in Transylvania with the renewal of the southern trade and the influx a new merchant group from Hungary.




(1) Laszlo, Schafer, A gorogok vezeto szerepe Magyarorszagon a korai
kapitalizmus kialakulasaban [The Leading Role of Greeks in the
Development of Early Capitalism], (Budapest: Legrady, 1930), 9.

(2) Erdely tortente [History of Transylvania], Volume II, Second
Edition, editor-in-chief, Bela Kopeczi, (Budapest: Akademiai
Kiado, 1987), 999, cited hereafter as Erdely II.

(3) Gyula Szekfu Harom nemzedek. Egy hanyatlo kor tortenete [Three
Generations; The Story of a Declining Age], (Budapest, 1920), 72.

(4) Erdely II, op.cit., 999.

(5) Odon Fuves, Gorogok Pesten (1686-1931) (Budapest: Doctoral
dissertation. Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1972), 14-15.


(6) Georgios Liritzes, Ai mekdonikai koinotetes tes Austroungrias
epi Tourkokratias [The Macedonian Inhabitants of Austro-Hungary
During the Ottoman Rule] (Kozani, 1952), 6.

(7) Mihaly Horvath, Az ipar es kereskedes tortenete Magyarorszagban,
a harom utolso szazad alatt [The History of Trade and Commerce
in Hungary in the Past Three Centuries], (Buda: Magyar Kiralyi
Egyetem, 1840), 91.

(8) Odon Fuves, "Gorogok a Duna-Tisza kozen" [Greeks between the
Danube and the Tisza], Antik Tanulmanyok 13 (1966), 93.

(9) Marta Bur, "Balkanskie Kuptzie v Vengrii - XVIII vek" [Balkan
Merchants in Hungary in the Eighteenth Century], Etudes
Balkaniques (1972): 50-70.

(10) Lidia A. Demeny, "Le Regime des Douanes et la Periode de la
Principaute Autonome (1541-1691) [The Regulation of Customs and
Greek Merchants in Transylvania during the Period of the
Autonomous Principality, 1541-1691], Makedonika (Greece) 15
(1975): 62-113.

(11) Monumenta Hungariae Judaica. Tomus XII: 1414-1748, ed.
Alexander Scheiber, (Budapest: MIOKK, 1969): Document No. 9.

(12) Odon Fuves, "A magyarorszagi gorog telepesek a legujabbkori
gorog tortenelmi irodalomban" [Greek Settlers in Hungary and
Modern Greek Historiography], Antik Tanulmanyok 10 (1963):

(13) Fuves, Ph.D., op.cit., 21.

(14) Edit Petri, "A kecskemeti gorog kereskedok tortenete a XVIII.
szazadban" [The Story of the Greek Merchants of Kecskemet in the
Eighteenth Century] Cumania III. Historia (1975): 21-24.

(15) Erdely II, op.cit., 1002.

(16) Schaeffer, op.cit., 26.

(17) Eckhart, Ferenc. "Kereskedelmunk kozvetitoi a XVIII. szazadban"
[Trasmitters of Our Commerce in the Eighteenth Century],
Szazadok 52 (1918): 356-391; Schafer, op.cit. passim; Fuves,
Ph.D. passim; Petri, op.cit., passim.

(18) John Lampe and Marvin R. Jackson, Balkan Economic History,
1550-1950; From Imperial Borderlands to Developing Nations,
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), 105.

(19) Fuves, Ph.D. op.cit., 6-9.

(20) Erdely II, op.cit., 1064.

(21) Gusztav Thirring, A magyar varosok statisztikai evkonyve
[Statistical Yearbook of Hungarian Towns], Budapest, 1912),

(22) Schaefer, op.cit., 48-49.

(23) Cornelia Papacostea-Danielopolu, . "La Compagnie 'Grecque' de
Brasov. La Lutte pour la Consevation des Privileges (1777-1850)
[The "Greek" Company of Brasov: the Struggle for the Preservation
of Privileges, 1777-1850]. Rev. des Etudes Sud-Est Europeennes
(Rumania) 12, No.1 (1974): 59-78.

(24) Erdely III, op.cit., 1244.

(25) Erdely II, op.cit., 1061.

(26) Schafer, op.cit., 32.

(27) T. Bodogae, "Le Privilege Commercial Accorde en 1636 par G.
Rakoczi aux Marchands Grecs de Sibiu" [The Commercial Privilege
Accorded in 1636 by G. Rakoczi to the Greek Merchants of Sibiu],
Rev. Roumaine d'Hist. (Rumania) 11 (1972): 647-653.

(28) Gyorgy Kerekes, A kassai kereskedok eletebol harmadfelszazad
1687-1913 [On the Life of the Kassa Merchants 1687-1913],
(Budapest: Az Orszagos Iparegyesulet kiadasa, 1913), 87;
Schafer, op.cit., 39.

(29) Schafer, op.cit., 40.

(30) Ibid., 2